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KOMMERSANT Daily, MARCH 28, 2005 |  | PRINT | E-MAIL | HOME

Photo: Reuters
Looter picks through the rubble in a supermarket in central Bishkek in search of any valuables night-time looters may have left behind March 25, 2005. A Kyrgyz opposition leader called for calm on Friday after protests that saw the opposition claim plunged into violence and looting that left the capital strewn with broken glass and blood.
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Counterrevolutionary Situation // General Kulov has started to impose constitutional order The Crisis in Kyrgyzstan Snow fell in Bishkek yesterday. It and the actions of the power agencies under the command of General Feliks Kulov pretty well cooled passions. Special Kommersant correspondent Mikhail Zygar saw for himself how the new authorities managed to stop the looting in Bishkek and prevent an uprising of supporters of Askar Akaev, who has fled to Russia. Akaev Must Go, but Not That Way Bishkek was living on rumors. On Friday evening, there was suddenly talk of someone poisoning the water at the waterworks. Housewives were afraid to turn on the taps. At night in the suburbs, they were saying that a swarm of looters was coming to rob apartments. Old people snatched up hunting rifles and went out onto their balconies. On Saturday morning, they were saying that Askar Akaev's home region, Kemin District, had rebelled and thousands of district residents were marching on the capital. ”The situation is under control. A peaceful demonstration is going on there. Acting Minister of Emergency Situations Akhmataliev is there as well,” Feliks Kulov, the new supervisor of the power agencies, assured me at the Interior Ministry building. But one of his aides said the authorities in Bystrovka (the old name for the district capital, Kemin) had captured Keneshbek Dushebaev, the former interior minister, who had been on the job for only one day – the last day before the revolution. We went to Bystrovka to find out for ourselves. It's only 100 km from Bishkek. Even as we entered Kemin District, we ran up against a crowd. In the center of it stood Dushebaev. The last time I had seen him was several hours before the revolution at a rally near the Nazaraliev Clinic. At that time, when he was still interior minister, he was in civilian clothes and declaring he was with the people. Now, in order to be even closer to the people, he was wearing the traditional native cap. Dushebaev also remembered our meeting and immediately started to talk about how Kurmanbek Bakiev had promised him on Thursday that he would not lead the people to the White House. “Then I went to President Akaev encouraged. I was sure I would finally get the sides to sit down at the negotiating table,” he told me confidentially. Right up to the last minute, the opposition gave assurances that it was willing to negotiate with Akaev, but he replied on television that he would not negotiate with anyone. “But I still didn't give the order to use weapons against the demonstrators, because I'm with the people!” Dushebaev proclaimed. The people shouted “Hurrah!” Each demonstrator was wearing a yellow armband. Acting Minister Akmataliev, also a native of Kemin, was standing there too. Akhmataliev became infamous during the so-called Aksy tragedy of 2000, when police opened fire on a peaceful demonstration. Akhmataliev was interior minister then, and he was responsible for the shooting. The prime minister at the time was Kurmanbek Bakiev, who resigned in protest and went over to the opposition. Akhmataliev was moved to the position of minister of emergency situations. Now he was listening attentively to Dushebaev's speech and was silent. But the others were loudly shouting their approval. They were holding up two banners that seemed to be mutually exclusive: “No to a coup!” and “Support General Kulov!” I asked the ex-minister how these slogans were connected. “I have great respect for Feliks Shershenbaevich [Kulov],” Dushebaev answered. “He's an Interior Ministry officer and highly professional. By rights, I have the honor of calling him my student. I don't know what happened between him and President Akaev, because Kulov was tried and convicted. But as a public servant, I'm used to trusting court decisions. If the court so decided, then so be it. However, Kulov didn't take part in the coup himself. He was in prison. And when he got out, there was already an orgy of killing and looting going on in Bishkek. He wasn't involved in inciting them; he made every effort to stop them and tried to impose stability.” Then he explained that the demonstration was in no way against Acting President Bakiev. “I have great respect for Kurmanbek Salievich. He's a professional of the highest class. But the heart of the problem isn't that, but the fact that everything must be resolved according to the Constitution. Dushebaev regarded Akaev as the true president and said the last time he had seen him was in his White House office shortly before the takeover. He also said that he had constantly been in hiding in the last few days and moved from place to place, because he had information that people wanted to get rid of him. The former minister said he had been in hiding until he learned of the oppression of his compatriots in Kemin District. “I was outraged and hurried to them when I found out what the usurpers were doing to them. Nearly everyone in Kemin has relatives in Bishkek; they were phoning home and saying they were beating, raping, and robbing them. They asked for help. So the people of Kemin decided to go to Bishkek to stop the disorder.” “So you weren't the one who organized this march?” “No! What are you saying! They did; I only came to help them.” But then he said that during his time in Kemin, he had managed to fire the chief of the district Interior Ministry office for allegedly sending all of the weapons from the local office to Bishkek, where, according to the ex-minister, they were handed out to the looters. As Dushebaev spoke, the crowd became more and more excited. People started to interrupt him. He stood aside and let them speak. They pushed an old man forward, who said he had recently been beaten on a bus for being from Kemin. Then they began saying they didn't recognize the revolution, because this was no revolution but a riot of the youth who had taken over the capital. “They're stupid! Ignorant! They came and started stealing right off! Well, fine, they took the White House, but why did they touch the stores?” someone began. “Now they're celebrating as if they've taken over another country. But they won't force us to our knees!” chimed in another. “Their leaders are all from America! They came out of the American Embassy in full force the day before the revolution. How do I know? Zhirinovsky said so on TV!” said a third. “What are you planning to do now?” There was confusion in their ranks. They didn't look aggressive at all. “What about it? We'll march on Bishkek. We have to save our relatives from robbers and rapists. We'll put the city in order. We're not barbarians; we won't crush anyone. We'll just punish the looters. We're not for Akaev at all, but we don't want to fight. We're for order.” The people of Kemin had their own theory about the reason for the disorder in Bishkek. They were convinced that when Bakiev became president, he would immediately declare it impossible to work in the ruined White House, and so he would have to move temporarily to Osh in his native south. “And if they want to move the capital from Bishkek, there'll be war,” people said. People on horseback galloped back and forth across the field posing for the TV cameras. After about fifteen minutes, a new slogan appeared: “Akaev must go, but not like that.” The demonstrators became fewer and fewer. Not long ago, they had taken up almost the whole road, but now they had moved onto the roadside, or rather to a children's playground located there. Dushebaev stood on a slide and talked with someone on a cell phone. The people gathered there held their breath. “Well, are you going to Bishkek?” I asked. “No. A lot of people have already left,” they replied. Dushebaev finished talking on the phone and started to address the people. Standing on the slide, he gesticulated wildly; he was angry and was obviously trying to rouse the public. “We won't allow them to bully our people! We won't allow the southerners rape our sisters! If they don't meet our demands, we'll march on Bishkek!” As he climbed down, Dyshbaev nearly shouted at me. “Now we're off to negotiations with Cholpon Baekova, the chief justice of the Constitutional Court, to state our demands. We demand an end to the disorder and punishment for the looters! We also demand observance of the constitution! So that a new, legally elected parliament meets!” He and Akhmataliev got into a Mercedes with Lithuanian plates and drove off. Three other cars accompanied them. They were heading in the direction of Bishkek, and we were right behind them. Negotiations under an Apricot Tree Our driver, an Uighur named Alik, was terrified of driving behind Dushebaev and Akhmataliev. “It's fine for you. You'll leave, but I'll still be here, and these KGB guys will get me,” he complained. We assured him that they were no longer ministers and couldn't do anything to him. He didn't believe us, but he started off. The motorcade stopped by the roadside. Dushebaev got out of the car and talked on the phone for about ten minutes, walking beside the car. Then the cars continued on their way, with us in pursuit. There was another halt about five minutes later. Dushebaev again got out and again talked on the phone. Ten minutes later, Baekova's Mercedes appeared from the direction of Bishkek. Dushebaev still kept on talking and, getting carried away, he wandered from the road into a field. Baekova, got out of her car and followed right behind him. Akhmataliev also went up to him. Four bodyguards surrounded them. Akhmataliev was freezing and returned to the car. They brought Dushebaev's cap. Baekova wrapped herself in a thick shawl. They strolled along together and stopped under an apricot tree. Half an hour passed. Dushebaev left his companion, got in the car, and went back to the demonstration. Baekova was calm. “They've asked me to act as mediator, as a native of the district and someone well known in Kemin. I was very distressed when I heard about the problems of the people there. It seems many of them were beaten up in Bishkek simply because they were from Kemin. They were angry and said We didn't get much under Akaev, and now they're humiliating us.' I have no right to interfere in political processes, but I can't endure it any longer. I'm sorry, I woke up this morning still half-dressed and everyone was calling me and asking for help. I have to intervene in this situation in order to ensure some kind of peaceful solution. I've heard all the demands, and this evening we're planning to hold negotiations between Bakiev, Kulov, and representatives of Kemin. Dushebaev has gone to the demonstrators to tell them everything and to ask them whether they agree with our proposals.” “Don't you think all these events are connected with the personal political ambitions of Dushebaev and Akhmataliev?” “Well, I would certainly say they have political ambitions. You see, they're all from large families. Were you at the demonstration? What were their slogans?” “They were declaring that Akaev is the legitimate president.” “Really? We were all stunned by how Askar Akaevich treated us. How he abandoned us. I tried for two days to get in to see him. I wanted to act as mediator in the negotiations between him and the opposition. I wanted to suggest that he dismiss the worst of his confidants, which would have helped calm things. But he wouldn't see me. I never dreamed this could happen to us.” Baekova is a very determined woman. She long ago won a reputation in Kyrgyzstan as an authority in settling controversial issues. She became an opposition idol when she declared unconstitutional a law banning demonstrations without prior permission of the authorities. Akaev was outraged at her for this. Dushebaev's car returned. He came over to Baekova and wanted to take her over to the apricot tree again, but she started the conversation right in front of us. Cholpon Tursunovna, I simply don't know,” the ex-minister said doubtfully. “A lot of them are in a very aggressive mood. It will be difficult to persuade them not to go to Bishkek. Very difficult.” Compared to Bekova, Dushebaev looked like a disgraced schoolboy before a teacher. “Then, Keneshbek, we'll appoint you guarantor of stability in the district. Did they hear everything? I hope you will control the situation,” the chief justice of the Constitutional Court said firmly. “I'll try, Cholpon Tursunovna.” They departed. Right up until evening, there were reports on the radio of a certain column of people from Kemin, who were planning to come to Bishkek. Then at night, they said the people had changed their minds. The Last Round of the Revolution As night fell, crowds once again appeared in Bishkek. But these were guards. There were about 500 of them near Bishkek's TsUM department store. Half of them wore red armbands, which marked them as members of people's militias, and the rest wore yellow; they were volunteers, mainly store employees. The TsUM employees explained. “We're defending the revolution from looters. We're not very interested in politics; we're mostly interested in peace. TsUM is probably the last big unlooted store in the city. A sort of last bastion. Earlier, we thought the White House was the best guarded building in the city, but it was the first to surrender. It turns out that TsUM is the best defended of all, and we won't give it up. This is our city; we live here, and we have an obligation to defend it. “We're just normal Bishkek residents, although I'm a Russian from Kemerovo. But I live here and plan to go on living here, because I have to defend my city,” said a fellow with a yellow armband and a stick in his hand. The volunteers had been coming to TsUM every night after the revolution. Everything ended fairly quickly late Thursday night, when Kulov and Acting President Bakiev arrived at the store and persuaded the crowd to disperse. But the worst was on Friday night. “The first wave of thugs came at us around seven in the evening. They climbed over the fence and started throwing stones at us. We started running towards them with sticks, and we beat them off. We grabbed some of them and threw them in the gutter. We held them there until the police came. Then there was a second wave. But we coped with that one too. At around nine, a third wave came. We though they'd wipe us out; we were seriously outnumbered. Another couple of minutes and they would have beaten us to a pulp. But at the last minute, we heard sirens and the cops drove up. We applauded them. Some of us even cried for joy. I never thought I'd be so glad to see cops. They really saved our lives. They began shooting into the air, and the other guys started running. There were none left after nine. And the cops had everything under control. Kulov's a great guy – he sent the special forces, armored reserves, and soldiers. And the rain really helped us last night – it cooled those bastards off.” “Where were the looters from?” “They were locals, from Bishkek. You wouldn't get so many newcomers together,” said the guy from Kemerovo. “Anyone who says they were Oshans, who came for the revolution and looted the city, is talking nonsense,” another guy with nunchaku sticks agreed. “It was locals, because they knew very well where to go and what to take. Look at which stores were robbed - expensive plumbing fixtures, sporting goods, and electronics. You think Oshans are going to carry off a Jacuzzi for themselves? Or they want to set up a home theater in their yurt. They don't even have electricity there. Of course, locals did the looting. Some kind of noise broke out on one side of the store. The volunteers rushed over, but soon returned. About two minutes later, two guards led out a homeless child of about seven. He had tried to break into a stall standing nearby. Another of the TsUM defenders came over to us. “I was just walking along the street, and there was a Mercedes parked there. There were some guys with shifty-looking faces in it. They said Get out of here, or they'll kill you. A crowd of thousands is coming here from Kemin at four.' I asked them Who are you? Show us your documents.' They started fidgeting and asked Why do you need to know?' I went to call the cops, and they took off. They wanted to scare us off.” After a few hours, soldiers relieved the volunteers, who hugged them and quickly headed home while the taxi buses were still running. There were no more robberies that night. In the morning, after many days of heat, it suddenly started snowing. Kulov tried to end the disputes, threatening to arrest anyone who tried to bring the people out into the streets agains. Snow fell all day. It completely covered the bloodied Ala-Too Square, the dirty White House, the rock-battered TsUM, and the looted markets. The revolution was over.
|  |  | Kyrgyzstan's New Leader Asks Vladimir Putin for Seeds The Kremlin confirmed on Saturday that Akaev had been given the opportunity to come to Russia. “Askar Akaev asked us to afford him the opportunity to come to Russia, and this opportunity was afforded him,” the Kremlin's press service reported. On the same day, Russian President Vladimir Putin had a telephone conversation with Acting President of Kyrgyzstan, Kurmanbek Bakiev. “ In response to Bakiev's request, he expressed a willingness to consider specific projects aimed at rendering assistance in stabilizing the situation in Kyrgyzstan based on humanitarian considerations and friendly relations between the Russian and Kyrgyz people,” announced Aleksey Gromov, President Putin's press secretary, emphasizing that Bakiev had initiated the conversation. As the new Kyrgyz leader later explained, he had asked the Russian president to help Kyrgyzstan with seeds, fuel and lubricants, and fertilizer. “Everyone needs to get busy with spring planting now. We've already spent three months on elections,” Bakiev noted. Two Parliaments Fight for Legitimacy Sulaiman Imanbiev, the chairman of Kyrgyzstan's Central Election Commission, announced his resignation yesterday. His deputy, Turgunaly Abdraimov, became the commission's new chairman. He immediately confirmed the authority of the new session of parliament elected on March 13, when Askar Akaev was still in power. Abdraimov declared the term of the previous parliament ended. The deputies of the previous session disagreed with this ruling on the question. During yesterday's joint session, each set of deputies asserted their rights to be called legitimate. No compromise was reached. We remind our readers that Ishenbai Kadyrbekov, the present speaker, said earlier that the previous session of parliament would retain its authority until April 14, i.e., for a month after the election of the new parliament. At the same time, the deputies of the new parliament, who received their deputy's mandate from the Central Election Commission on March 22, had already taken oath. After the events of March 24, the Supreme Court revoked the commission's decision, and the new session of parliament was declared nonlegitimate. However, Cholpon Baekova, the chief justice of the Constitutional Court, declared the commission's decision legitimate and the Supreme Court's decision to be without authority. Former vice-president Feliks Kulov, who has jurisdiction over the power agencies, supported the commission's decision yesterday. “You were elected for five years. Whether you like it or not… What is your justification for turning people against the new parliament? If this happens, I will take measures for your arrest according to the law,” Kulov said, addressing the deputies of the previous session. Meanwhile, as before, the ousted authorities in Bishkek do not want to recognize the legality of the new parliament. Jan Kubish, the general secretary of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and Alois Peterle, the OSCE special representative in Central Asia, arrived in Bishkek yesterday in search of a way out of the parliamentary crisis.
by Mikhail Zygar, Bishkek; Elena Glumskova, Bishkek Russian Article as of Mar. 28, 2005

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